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Marxism and Law
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By
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Femi Aborisade
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Broad Outline
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Introduction:
– Clarifying the
topic: Marxist jurisprudence or economic determinism?
– What has Marxism
got to do with jurisprudence: an answer from Adaramola’s (2008) definition of
Jurisprudence
– The Man, Karl
Marx
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Basic Outlines of Marxism:
– Dialectical
Materialism,
– Historical
Materialism and
– The theory of
Surplus Value - Marxist Economics
– Economic
determinism: The base and the superstructure
– The Marxist
theory of the state
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Socialist Legalism
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An appraisal of Marxism’s contribution to jurisprudence
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Clarifying the topic: Marxist jurisprudence or economic determinism?
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The Marxist conceptualisation of the nature, content, features and
roles of law in society has been termed Economic Realism, Economic Approach or
Economic Determinism by various scholars. However, in this paper, the term ‘Marxist
Jurisprudence’ has been adopted so that we can lay bare an outline of the
thoughts of Marx and Marxists on the nature of law in society. This is because
Engels, a life long political friend and collaborator of Marx, had cause to
engage in polemics against those who tended to reduce their intellectual
contributions to ‘economic determinism’.
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Clarifying the topic: Marxist jurisprudence or economic determinism?
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According to Engels:
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“According to the materialist conception of history, the ultimately
determining element in history is the production and reproduction of
real life. Other than this neither Marx nor I have ever asserted. Hence
if somebody twists this into saying that the economic element is the only
determining one, he transforms that proposition into a meaningless,
abstract, senseless phrase”.
[Engels, Letter to J Bloch (1890)
[Engels, Letter to J Bloch (1890)
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The above explanation means that while the economic element is
considered a fundamental determining factor in historical development, it is
not the only determining factor.
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In fact, as we shall see, there is nothing deterministic or
fatalistic about Marxism – the nature, contents and direction of historical
developments depend not only on the economy, but also on the momentum and
potency of the class struggle.
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I therefore will propose we regard the topic of discussion as Marxist
jurisprudence rather than Dias’s (2005:395 ) “economic approach” or Adaramola’s (2008: 287) “economic
realism” .
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What has Marxism got to do with jurisprudence: an answer from Adaramola’s (2008)definition of Jurisprudence
What has Marxism got to do with jurisprudence: an answer from Adaramola’s (2008)definition of Jurisprudence
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Adaramola (2008: 2) emphatically states that “I describe jurisprudence
as the ...scientific investigation and systematic analysis, synthesis and
presentation of certain abstract, general and theoretical ideas about law and
legal systems, carried out with a view to discovering those ultimate
truths and principles (if any) that are common to human societies, which might
possibly lead to replacing and reforming those principles or improving upon
their functioning...”
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What has Marxism got to do with jurisprudence?: an answer from Adaramola’s (2008) definition of Jurisprudence
What has Marxism got to do with jurisprudence?: an answer from Adaramola’s (2008) definition of Jurisprudence
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Adaramola (2008: 5) also asserts with authority that:
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“Thus jurisprudence may be seen as the halfway house between philosophy
and political theory ... Like philosophy and political theory, it attempts to
answer the question “what is the purpose of life”? In other words, what are the
ultimate truths, values and purpose of human life in society?”
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If we accept Adaramola’s definition of jurisprudence as the meaning of
meanings and the essence of human life, as I do, then, Marxism and Marxists
seek to offer some perspectives on the essence of human life, the possible
direction(s) the world could be heading and the fundamental character of the
struggles and crises in our world.
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The Man, Karl Marx
The Man, Karl Marx
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Karl Marx (1818 – 1883) was a German revolutionary socialist.
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He read law, history and philosophy at the Universities of Bonn and
Berlin and later obtained Ph.D in Greek Philosophy.
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He was proficient in French, Latin, Spanish, Italian, Dutch,
Scandinavian, Russian and English.
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When he died in 1883, only eleven mourners were present at his
grave.
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Karl Marx: The Millennium’s Greatest Thinker
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But in 1999, the BBC News online poll results declared him the greatest
thinker of the millennium, coming ahead of giant intellectuals like
Einstein, Newton, and Charles Darwin.
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Similarly, as documented by the (pro-capitalist) Economist magazine,
British public opinion at the end of the millennium (10 years after the
collapse of Soviet Union and Eastern Europe’s ‘socialism’) resoundingly
favoured Marx as the “millennium’s greatest thinker” (followed by
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Einstein, Newton, and Darwin).
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Karl Marx: The Millennium’s Greatest Thinker
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The polls by the BBC News online
and the British Economist show the importance and continuing relevance
of the man who propounded the theory now named after him as ‘Marxism’.
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The declaration of Marx as the greatest thinker of the
Millennium appears to be a fulfilment of the prediction made at his grave
by Frederick Engels: ‘...his name and work will endure through the ages’
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What was Marx’s Motivation in Life?
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It is considered appropriate to first examine what motivated Marx
before we can adequately appreciate his ideas, life and struggles.
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The quality of mind of Karl Marx could be deduced from two Letters he wrote to
his father in 1837. In those letters, he showed that he could only derive
meaning and personal happiness from life by working for the happiness of the
greatest number of people and making the rich to ‘shed hot tears’:
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“If we have chosen the position in life in which we can most of all
work for mankind, no burdens can bow us down, because they are sacrifices for
the benefit of all; then we shall experience no petty, limited, selfish joy,
but our happiness will belong to millions, our deeds will live on quietly but
perpetually at work, and over our ashes will be shed the hot tears of noble
people” (Marx, Letter to His Father (1837).
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What was Marx’s Motivation in Life?
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In another letter, he stated:
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“History calls those men the greatest who have ennobled themselves by
working for the common good; experience acclaims as happiest the man who has
made the greatest number of people happy” ((Marx, Letter to His Father
(1837).
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What was Marx’s Motivation in Life?
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‘Both Marx and especially his wife Jenny suffered at the hands of
bailiffs and money-lenders. Lack of adequate food and poor housing inevitably
affected their own health. But Marx's determination to overthrow capitalism
never wavered. 'Marx was, before all else, revolutionary', declared Engels at
Marx's graveside: 'His real mission in life was to contribute in one way or
another to the overthrow of capitalist society. Fighting was his element' (http://www.socialismtoday.org/44/marx.html
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Basic Outlines of Marxism
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Marxism is composed of three main component parts:
– Dialectical
Materialism,
– Historical
Materialism and
– The theory of
Surplus Value - Marxist Economics.
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The Concept of materialism
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The concept of materialism is best understood when it is compared and
contrasted with Idealism.
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However, it is important to appreciate that materialism and idealism
have nothing whatsoever in common with their everyday usage, where materialism
is associated with material greed and swindling
and idealism with laudable ideals and virtue, as against vice.
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The Concept of materialism
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Materialism is the philosophical outlook which explains that:
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there is only one material world.
There is neither Heaven nor Hell. The universe is not the creation of
any supernatural being and that it is in the process of constant flux.
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Human beings are a part of nature, and evolved from lower forms of
life, whose origins sprung from a lifeless planet some 3.6 billion or so years
ago.
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With the evolution of life, at a certain stage, came the development of
animals with a nervous system, and eventually human beings with a large brain.
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The Concept of materialism
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With humans emerged human thought and human consciousness.
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For materialists, there is no consciousness apart from the living
brain, which is part of a material body. Thinking is the product of the brain,
which is the organ of thought. The human brain alone is capable of producing
general ideas, i.e. thinking.
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Matter has always existed eternally, and still exists - independently
of human mind and human beings.
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Things existed long before any awareness of them arose or could have
arisen on the part of living organisms.
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Ideas are simply a reflection of reality - the independent
material world in which we live.
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For example, things reflected in a mirror do not depend on the
reflection for their existence.
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"All ideas are taken from experience; they are reflections - true
or distorted - of reality," states Engels. Marx also puts the same idea
differently: "Life is not determined by consciousness, but consciousness
by life."
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Idealism
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On the other hand, philosophical idealism states that the material
world is not real but is simply the reflection of the world of ideas.
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Though there are different forms of idealism, they all essentially
explain that ideas are primary and matter, if it exists at all, secondary.
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Dialectical Materialism
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The philosophy of Marxism is however, materialism not idealism.
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The philosophy of Marxism is indeed, not just materialism, it is
dialectical materialism.
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The word, ‘dialectic’ is derived from the Greek word, ‘dialegein’, meaning
‘to argue’.
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It has been used to draw out the limits and contradictions in formal
logic (A is A), (A is not B), etc
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Formal logic involves simple relationships between truth values. For
example, it assumes something cannot be both true and not true.
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Dialectic
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The dialectical method does not follow a simple yes or no format.
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Rather, it involves a pendulum-like ‘thesis’-’antithesis’-’synthesis’
form:
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Thus, for example, in the Marxian dialectical formulation, the thesis
refers to the existing capitalist class inequality (i.e. existing material
conditions of deprivations).
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The antithesis refers to class revolt which the existing
deprivations under capitalism produce.
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The synthesis refers to the new economic system (socialism/communism)
which is the necessary product of the revolt of the working class under
capitalism.
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Dialectic
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Dialectic is based on two main assumptions:
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1. All things are
contradictory in themselves
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2. Contradiction is the
basis or source of all movement and life. Only in so far as a thing contains
contradiction can it move.
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Therefore reality is change. Everything in life is subject to
change. Nothing remains in a particular state permanently. What is permanent in
life is change.
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Basic Laws of dialectic
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These include:
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The law of quantity into quality (and vice versa)
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The unity of Opposites
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The Negation of the Negation
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The law of transformation of quantity into quality (and vice versa)
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A series of changes in
the quantity of temperature of water leads to a change in its quality.
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In other words, water
getting colder and colder changes its state [quality] to ice.
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Similarly, gradual changes in the consciousness of workers could lead
to an explosion in the class struggle.
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The unity of Opposites
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The unity of opposites is best illustrated by the functioning of the
capitalist system- capitalism requires a capitalist class and a working
class.
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The world we live in is full of examples of contradictions or unity of
opposites: right-duty, cold-heat, light-darkness, Capital-Labour, birth-death,
riches-poverty, positive-negative, boom-slump, thinking-being, finite-infinite,
repulsion-attraction, left-right, above-below, evolution-revolution,
chance-necessity, sale-purchase, cause-effect, necessity-accident,
constants-variables, and so on.
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Beneath the apparent
opposition in each set above is an underlying unity – neither the one nor the
other has the truth. The truth is in
their movement.
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The Negation of the Negation
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An acorn, in becoming
an oak, has itself ceased to be. The oak is different from the acorn – the oak
is not the acorn – the oak is the negation of the acorn.
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Implicit within
the acorn is the potential to become an oak.
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The acorn contains
within itself its own negation and is thus contradictory. It is only this contradiction that
allows it to grow.
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Similarly, the general pattern of historical development is not one of
a straight line - each social mode of production is a negation of the mode
preceding it.
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Dialectic: Hegel and Marx
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Though Hegel was an idealist, he was however the first to
comprehensively present the general laws of dialectics.
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Being an idealist, he held that all phenomena of nature and the stages of human history were merely aspects
of what he called Absolute Spirit , i.e. ‘God’.
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In Hegel’s
philosophical scheme, God, in the first stage, represented unity of opposites,
which in the second stage gave rise to His negation, Nature, while the third
stage was the unification of God and Nature through the development of human
consciousness and understanding.
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Marx took everything valuable in Hegel’s dialectics and developed it
further on the basis of dialectical materialism., removing God from the scheme.
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Dialectic: Hegel and Marx
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Thus, Marx differentiates his dialectics from Hegel’s, as follows:
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‘My dialectic method is not only different from the Hegelian, but is
its direct opposite. .... With him it is standing on its head. It must be
turned right side up again, if you would discover the rational kernel within
the mystical shell’ (Marx, Afterword to the Second German Edition of Capital
(1873).
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Two main camps of philosophers
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Based on Marx’s differentiation of his dialectic from hegel’s, Engels
explains that:
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‘The great basic question of all philosophy, especially of more
recent philosophy, is that concerning the relation of thinking and being. ...
The answers which the philosophers gave to this question split them into two great camps. Those who asserted the primacy of spirit to nature and, therefore, in the last instance, assumed world creation in some form or other — and among the philosophers, Hegel, for example, this creation often becomes still more intricate and impossible than in Christianity — comprised the camp of idealism. The others, who regarded nature as primary, belong to the various schools of materialism.
Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach & the End of Classical German Philosophy (1886)
The answers which the philosophers gave to this question split them into two great camps. Those who asserted the primacy of spirit to nature and, therefore, in the last instance, assumed world creation in some form or other — and among the philosophers, Hegel, for example, this creation often becomes still more intricate and impossible than in Christianity — comprised the camp of idealism. The others, who regarded nature as primary, belong to the various schools of materialism.
Engels, Ludwig Feuerbach & the End of Classical German Philosophy (1886)
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Historical materialism
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Marx used the term ‘historical materialism’ to capture the human-social
activity involved in ‘the production of material life itself’ in the
various historical modes of production which humanity has experienced at
different times in various societies through the dialectical processes of
‘thesis’-’antithesis’-’synthesis’.
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Historical materialism: Modes of production in human history
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Marxists identify the occurrence of five (5) main modes of production
in human history:
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12000BC – 5000BC: Primitive communal
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5000BC – 500AD: Slavonic mode of production
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500AD – 1750s: Feudalistic mode
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1750s – 1917: Capitalist mode of production
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1917 – 1989/91: Socialist mode of production
– 1917 – 1923:
Socialist mode of production
– 1924/28– 1989/91:
Deformed Workers State/State capitalism
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Historical materialism
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It should be appreciated that for Marx, dialectical materialism means
that historical change (i.e., material/economic change) is the result
of conscious human activity emerging from and
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acting on the socially experienced contradictions of historically
conditioned (i.e.human-made) economic forces and relations in order to
produce a new form of social existence – i.e. the
thesis-antithesis-synthesis process.
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Historical materialism
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Marxism teaches that the history of mankind is nothing but the
history of man’s activity to produce the means of existence – i. e. the essence
of man in life.
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“History does nothing, it ‘possesses no immense wealth’, it
‘wages no battles’. It is man, real, living man who does all
that, who possesses and fights; ‘history’ is not, as it were, a person apart,
using man as a means to achieve its own aims; history is nothing but
the activity of man pursuing his aims” (Marx, The Holy Family, Chapter 6
(1846).
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Historical materialism
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In Marx’s evolutionary and dialectical view, a communist society will
arise as a negation of capitalism. Under a communist society, each person would
be required to contribute to the everyday material and social goods production
on the basis of their diverse and multifaceted abilities and in turn, they
shall take from the public wealth, according to their need – from each
according to his ability and to each according to his need.
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In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class
antagonisms, there shall be an association [a community] in which the free
development of each is the condition for the free development of all.
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Historical materialism
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Marx’s vision of communism, therefore, entails the emancipation, not
only of the working class, but of all people; it would represent “universal
human emancipation”.
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Whereas all previous historical movements were movements of minorities
in the interests of minorities, the proletarian movement is the self-conscious,
independent movement of the immense majority, in the interests of the immense
majority.
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It would produce a communal society wherein each person would
have rights and responsibilities toward the maintenance of shared material and
social existence.
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Transformation from one production mode to another is never peaceful
nor fatalistic/deterministic
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"Economic production and the structure of society of every
historical epoch necessarily arising therefrom constitute the foundation
for the political and intellectual history of that epoch; ... consequently
(ever since the dissolution of the primitive communal ownership of land) all
history has been a history of class struggles, of struggles between exploited
and exploiting, between dominated and dominating classes at various stages of
social development; ... this struggle, however, has now reached a stage where
the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can no longer emancipate
itself from the class which exploits and oppresses it (the bourgeoisie),
without at the same time for ever freeing the whole of society from
exploitation, oppression and class struggles...." (Engels' Preface to the
German Edition of the Communist Manifesto.)
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The theory of Surplus Value - Marxist Economics
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Marx shows how capitalism is an exploitative system through the theory
of surplus value.
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The theory of surplus value can be understood by first understanding
what Marx terms ‘the commodification of labour’
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Commodification is a term which refers to buying and selling of
products or services on the basis of the use-value embedded in
the product/service to produce profit.
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In the same way an investor would buy, say, raw materials to produce
goods for profit, so also employers of labour would engage workers to the extent
of possessing the ability to work and produce beyond the wages or salaries
paid.
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The theory of Surplus Value - Marxist Economics
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Marx explains that while
payment for the labour power
(ability to work) of the worker is “measured by the clock,” payment for raw
material inputs into production process is “measured by the scales”... “Labour
power is, therefore a commodity which its possessor, the wage worker, sells to
capital”.
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Surplus value and “Free” worker under capitalism
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Marx dismisses the notion that the worker under capitalism is ‘free’,
in terms of freedom to choose which employer to work for compared to a slave
under slavery or to the serf under feudalism:
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“The slave [in ancient Rome], together with his labor power, is sold
once and for all to his owner. He is a commodity which can pass from the
hand of one owner to that of another. He is himself a commodity, but the
labor power is not his commodity. The serf [in
medieval/feudal times] sells only a part of his labor power. He does not
receive a wage from the owner of the land; rather, the owner of the land
receives a tribute from him … The free laborer, on the other hand, sells
himself and indeed sells himself piecemeal … The worker belongs neither to
an owner nor to the land, but eight, ten, twelve, fifteen hours of his daily
life belong to him who buys them”
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Surplus value and “Free” worker under capitalism
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Though it may appear on the surface that the movement of labor is done
freely, in reality, the worker is in
fact coerced by capitalism.
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Marx explains the coercion:
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“The worker leaves the capitalist to whom he hires himself whenever he
likes, and the capitalist discharges him whenever he thinks fit, as soon as he
no longer gets any profit out of him, or not the anticipated profit. But the worker,
whose sole source of livelihood is the sale of his labor power, cannot leave
the whole class of purchasers, that is, the capitalist class, without
renouncing his existence. He belongs not to this or that capitalist but to the capitalist
class, and, moreover, it is his business to dispose of himself, that is, to find
a purchaser within this capitalist class”.
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Surplus Value and Indirect Forced Labour
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Based on the foregoing analysis of the nature of the worker’s freedom,
for Marx, capitalism is wage slavery.
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While “direct forced labour” occurred under slavery, “indirect
forced labour” takes place under capitalism.
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Under capitalism, labour contracts are therefore perceived as coercive.
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Surplus value defined
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Marx defines surplus value as the difference between a worker’s exchange
value (i.e. worker’s wages or the market value of a
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worker’s labour) and his use-value
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Marx’s Definition of Surplus Value
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“The daily cost of maintaining [labor] and its daily expenditure in
work, are two totally different things. The former [the cost of maintaining
labor, i.e. the subsistence and reproduction of the worker] determines the
exchange value of the labour-power, the latter [the living labor that it can
call into action] is its use-value … Therefore, the value of labour
power, and the value which that labour-power creates in the labour process are
two entirely different magnitudes, and this difference of the two values was
what the capitalist had in view, when he was purchasing the labour power …”
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Marx definition of Surplus value
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“...What really influenced him
was the specific use-value which this commodity possesses of being a
source not only of value, but of more value than it has itself. This is the
special service that the capitalist expects from labour power, and in this
transaction he acts in accordance with the ‘eternal laws’ of the exchange of
commodities. The seller of labour-power, like the seller of any other
commodity, realizes [acquires] its exchange value, and parts with its
use-value. He cannot take the one without giving the other. The use value of
labour-power (labor) … belongs just as little to its seller, as the use-value
of oil after it has been sold belongs to the dealer who has sold it. (Cap
215–216)
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Surplus value and Exploitative Labour Contracts
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For Cohen (Dean and Professor of Law, Universidad Torcuato Di
Tella) this transfer of value from workers to capitalists constitutes
exploitation, because greater value is exchanged for lesser value. Cohen has
stated this argument in this
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way:
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(1) Labour and labour alone creates value.
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(2) The labourer receives the value of his labour power.
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(3) The value of the product is greater than the value of his
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labour power.
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(4) The labourer receives less value than he creates.
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(5) The capitalist receives the remaining value.
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(6) The labourer is exploited by the capitalist.
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(COHEN, G.A. (1988 ). Are
Disadvantaged Workers Who Take Hazardous Jobs Forced to
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Take Hazardous Jobs?, in
HISTORY, LABOUR, AND FREEDOM: THEMES FROM MARX 239, 241-
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42, cited in PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATIONS OF LABOR LAW . SPECTOR, H.,).
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Economic determinism: The base and the superstructure (1)
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Marxism contends that the system of ownership of the means of
production (i.e. the economic system) is the base or foundation
of any society and that the superstructure (the political subsystem, the
legal subsystem, etc) takes its character, in the final analysis, ultimately,
from the mode of production.
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In other words, a particular legal system will tend to support the
existing particular economic system.
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For example, the laws in a capitalist society will serve, in the main,
the interests of capital owners,
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even though mechanisms would be put in place to present the judicial
system as if it serves all classes equally.
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Economic determinism :The Limits of the Law (2)
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In general, the outcomes of cases taken to industrial courts under
capitalism tend to reflect a system that benefits employers and puts the
workers at a disadvantage: cost of litigation, the long duration it takes to
resolve trade disputes, the tendency for various legal doctrines having the
effect of tilting proceedings in favour of employers, the doctrine of the
right of employer to hire and fire; limitations in awards for unlawful
termination or unfair dismissal, etc
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“Legislation, whether
political or civil, never does more than proclaim, express in words, the will
of economic relations” (Marx, cited in Cain, Maureen, and Alan Hunt, 1979, Marx
and Engels on Law (Academic Press).
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Therefore, just as employers as a class have economic advantage in
capitalist society so too they have the tacit backing of the legal system.
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Economic determinism : Law as capitalist ideology (3)
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An ideology is a way of making sense of reality or interpreting
ereality, a philosophical world outlook.
•
The ruling class ensures that laws are perceived to be generally
neutral and fair in order to encourage workers to initiate actions in the law
courts, even though they are more likely to be settled in unjust ways.
•
In a letter written in 1890, Engels made the obvious point that if
justice really did favour the employer in every single case it would cease to
be attractive to the poor.
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Frederick Engels also explains how the English legal system does not
benefit workers:
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“English law is either common law, in other words, unwritten law such
as existed at the time when statutes were first gathered and later collated by
legal authorities—on the most important points this law is naturally uncertain
and ambiguous—or else it is statute law, which consists of an infinite number
of individual acts of parliament gathered over 500 years, which contradict each
other and represent not a “state of law”, but a state of complete lawlessness”
(Frederick Engels (1844) in “The English Constitution”, Vorwärts,
18 September 1844, available at
www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1844/condition-england/ch02.htm)
www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1844/condition-england/ch02.htm)
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Economic determinism : Some evidences on the class character of Law in
capitalist society (4)
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In general, common law is a tradition which:
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(a) Tends to protect property rights.
•
(b) In particular, encourages contractual disputes to be settled primarily
on the basis of the terms actually contained within a contract (rather than by
reference to, say, general values of fairness or reasonableness).
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(c) Offers to the litigant in a civil dispute, or the defendant in a
criminal case, a high level of fairness in procedure (but not necessarily in
substance).
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(David Renton, Tribunals and tribulations in International
Socialism, Issue: 124 (http://www.isj.org.uk/index.php4?id=594&issue=124,
Posted: 1 October 09, accessed on 20/08/10)
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Below, we attempt to substantiate each of the above listed three
characteristics of common law.
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Economic determinism : Common law as protector of property rights (5)
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David Renton explains that in the UK, until parliament created
environmental standards, which occurred over the past 30 years, there was no
common law right for a person to bring a claim for losses arising from
environmental harm.
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The only equivalent right was a right of property holders to bring
claims over “nuisance”, i.e. when a property owner’s personal right in a
property was diminished by environmental damage.
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Also, there is the common law assumption that environmental damage
is not actionable where the property damaged belongs to the poor.
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Hence, the legal maxim in the UK: “What would be a nuisance in
Belgrave Square would not necessarily be so in Bermondsey”
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Economic determinism : Common law as protector of property rights (6)
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There is also the common law principle which opposes reinstatement of employees
under contractual agreement as opposed to unemployment with statutory flavour.
•
This principle is derived from the tradition of respecting the property
rights of the employer, within
common law, to manage his property.
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The common legal position is that you cannot force a willing employee
on an unwilling employer.
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Economic determinism : Settlement of contractual disputes on basis of
contractual terms rather than by reference to general values of fairness or
reasonableness (7)
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Example 1: in Printing and Numerical Registering Co v Sampson,
(LR 19 Eq. 462 (1875), Lord Jessel, held that:
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“Contracts when entered into voluntarily shall be held sacred”
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Example 2: In a most recent decision of the House of Lords, made as
recently as 2003, Lord Hobhouse reiterated the same principle:
•
“When the parties have deliberately put their agreement into writing,
it is conclusively presumed…that they intend the writing to form a full and
final statement of their intentions, and one which should be placed beyond the
reach of future controversy, bad faith or treacherous memory… This rule is one
of the great strengths of English commercial law and is one of the main reasons
for the international success of English law in preference to laxer systems which
do not provide the same certainty” (Shogun Finance Limited v Hudson (FC)
[2003] UKHL 62.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power (8)
•
It could be argued that just as a willing employee cannot be forced on
an unwilling employer, so also a willing employer cannot be forced on an
unwilling employee.
•
Thus, the concept of CB is based on the assumption of equal bargaining
power between the employer and the worker.
•
But in reality, the vast
majority of workers have no power to negotiate the terms of their employment
contract, a situation which constantly puts them at a disadvantage.
•
Should a contract stipulate that an employer could transfer an employee
anywhere else, the worker will get little or no satisfaction from the court
if he refuses to relocate.
•
There is a standard judicial answer along the line of: “But you signed
the contract, didn’t you” (See White v Reflecting Roadstuds Ltd [1991]
IRLR 331, EAT.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power (9)
•
In most cases, workers tend to accept any terms and conditions of work
no matter how unfavourable, particularly in the context of prolonged economic
crisis involving widespread unemployment.
•
Marx argues, as we saw earlier, that whereas the employer may do away
with one worker and employ another, the worker can only leave one capitalist
employer for another; he cannot escape the capitalist class as a whole without
renouncing his own existence.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - CB is based on acceptance of status quo (9
(i)
•
Fox (1973: 219) aptly explains that
•
CB concept demands of workers to accept the system of wage slavery and
not to oppose it.
•
Processes of negotiation therefore are on the principle which do not
offset inbuilt inequality. “...Thus the discussion (at CB) may be about
marginal adjustments in hierarchical rewards but not (questioning) the
principle of hierarchical rewards” (Fox, A. (1973). Industrial Relations: A
critique of Pluralist Ideology, in Child, J. (ed.). Man and Organisation. London:
George Allen & Unwin Ltd).
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - CB is based on acceptance of status
quo(9(ii)
•
Fox’s explanation finds credence in the determination of what
constitutes “trade disputes” over which CB could take place or over which trade
unions could declare strike action
•
S. 47, Trade Disputes Act (TDA) defines trade disputes as ‘any
dispute between employers and workers or between workers and workers which is
connected with the employment or non-employment, or the terms of employment and
physical conditions of work of any person’.
•
Thus, wider social issues such as government policies that are
considered anti-people or anti-poor (e.g. perennial increases in the domestic
prices of petroleum products) do not constitute trade disputes over which trade
unions could ‘lawfully’ demand for CB or take strike action, speaking strictly
within the law.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - CB is based on acceptance of status
quo(9(iii)
•
Indeed, the Trade Disputes Act (1976) effectively bans strikes -
strikes cannot be embarked upon until established procedure for CB has been
exhausted (See S. 17(1). After the procedure has been exhausted, the
awards by the NIC is final and binding on all parties! (See S. 13 (2).
•
It should be recognized that though there is no single ILO Convention
or Recommendation that recognises the right to strike, the implied ban on
strike as shown in Ss. 17 and 13 of TDA, is a breach of ILO’s
Convention No. 151 of 1957 which proclaims that ‘the machinery for
settling disputes shall not limit in any way whatsoever, the right to strike’.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - CB is based on acceptance of status
quo(9(iv)
•
We talk here of implied ban on strike because even the TDA in
S. 41 (1) provides that ‘without prejudice to S. 17 of this Act’, any
worker who intends to cease work, ‘whether alone or in combination with
others’, should give ‘at least fifteen days’ notice of his intention to do so’.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - the illusion that unions maintain power
balance(9(v)
•
Some scholars have also criticised Marxism for maintaining that the
workers constitute a weaker party in CB processes. They argue that while
workers as individuals are marginalized, workers as collectives when they unite
in trade unions constitute effective check on employers excesses.
•
Fox (1973), a radical but non-Marxist scholar, had long ago dismissed
the illusion of power balance between employers and unions.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - the illusion that unions maintain power
balance(9(vi)
•
He explains that while it cannot be disputed that the union checks the
exploitation of the workers by the employers, there is no such thing as
equality of power. This is because the employers’ class has behind it the
support of the state apparatus of coercion – the regular police, the secret
police, the judiciary, the army, the civil service bureaucracy – which can be
used at various times, in various ways, to covertly or overtly, by force or by
persuasion, bend the workers towards the position required by the employer.
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - the illusion that unions maintain power
balance(9(vii)
•
According to Fox (1973):
•
...capital can, as it were, fight with one hand behind its back and
still achieve in most situations a verdict that it finds tolerable. Only if
labour were to challenge an essential prop of the structure (as in a general
strike which has poses imminent danger for continuity of a regime) would
capital need to bring into play anything approching its full strength, thus
destroying at once the illusion of a power balance...’(Fox, 1973: 211).
•
Economic determinism : Unequal bargaining power - the illusion that unions maintain power
balance(9(viii)
•
In the Nigerian industrial relations praxis, we have witnessed such
periods when the State dissolved executive committees of the NLC, PENGASSAN and
NUPENG and incarcerated their leaders (e. g. KoKori and Dabibi in 1994) for
years. In other cases, unionists such as Gogo Chu Nzeribe, the General
Secretary of the Post and Telegraph Workers union was arrested in 1967,
detained and turtured to death.
•
The occasional demonstration of such monstrous faces of the state (the
true face of the state in capitalist societies) helps to constrain and
condition how unions and their leaders think and act, in the bid to avoid the
pains of state repression.
•
Marxist Theory of the State
•
The main theoretical postulations of Marxism on the concept of the
State are as follows:
•
The State (under capitalism) is
the executive committee for managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie
•
Rationale for the emergence of the State: A Product of the
Irreconcilability of Class Antagonisms
•
Special Bodies of Armed Men, Prisons, etc
•
The State: an Instrument for the Exploitation of the Oppressed Class
•
The "Withering Away" of the State
•
In the event of successful revolution, 'the working class cannot
simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery and wield it for its own
purposes’
•
The State (under capitalism) is the executive committee for managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie
The State (under capitalism) is the executive committee for managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie
•
For Karl Marx, the State is nothing but the executive Committee for
managing the affairs of the bourgeoisie (available at http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/communist-manifesto/ch01.htm#007)
•
Law, under capitalism, is therefore targeted at facilitating the
exploitation and oppression of the working class.
•
The state as a product and manifestation of the irreconcilability of
class antagonisms
•
Lenin, in The State and Revolution, relying heavily on the work
of Engels (The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State)
explains that
•
‘The state is a product and a manifestation of the irreconcilability of
class antagonisms. The state arises where, when and insofar as class antagonism
objectively cannot be reconciled. And, conversely, the existence of the state
proves that the class antagonisms are irreconcilable’.
•
Special Bodies of Armed Men, Prisons, etc
•
Another key proposition is that the ‘special bodies of armed men,
prisons, standing army and police etc’ constitute the ‘chief’ essence of the
state:
•
In the words of Lenin, the state is:
•
‘...a power which arose from society but places itself above it and
alienates itself more and more from it. What does this power mainly consist of?
It consists of special bodies of armed men having prisons, etc., at their
command ...
•
...A standing army and police are the chief instruments of state
power’.
•
The State: an Instrument for the Exploitation of the Oppressed Class
•
Quoting Engels, Lenin asserts that: The State is an Instrument for the
Exploitation of the Oppressed Class:
•
"Because the state arose from the need to hold class antagonisms
in check, but because it arose, at the same time, in the midst of the conflict
of these classes, it is, as a rule, the state of the most powerful,
economically dominant class, which, through the medium of the state, becomes
also the politically dominant class, and thus acquires new means of holding
down and exploiting the oppressed class...."
•
The State: an Instrument for the Exploitation of the Oppressed Class
•
‘...The ancient and feudal states were organs for the exploitation of
the slaves and serfs; likewise, "the modern representative state is an
instrument of exploitation of wage-labor by capital’.
•
However, it is recognized that
•
‘By way of exception, periods occur in which the warring classes
balance each other so nearly that the state power as ostensible mediator
acquires, for the moment, a certain degree of independence of both....’
•
The "Withering Away" of the State
•
Engel's postulates the eventual "withering away" of the
state, as follows:
•
"The proletariat seizes state power and turns the means of
production into state property to begin with.’
•
‘Society thus far, operating amid class antagonisms, needed the state,
that is, an organization of the particular exploiting class, for the
maintenance of its external conditions of production, and, therefore,
especially, for the purpose of forcibly keeping the exploited class in the
conditions of oppression determined by the given mode of production (slavery,
serfdom or bondage, wage-labor).
•
The "Withering Away" of the State
•
Engels continues: ‘As soon as there is no longer any social class to be
held in subjection, as soon as class rule, and the individual struggle for
existence based upon the present anarchy in production, with the collisions and
excesses arising from this struggle, are removed, nothing more remains to be
held in subjection — nothing necessitating a special coercive force, a state.
•
‘State interference in social relations becomes, in one domain after
another, superfluous, and then dies down of itself. The government of persons
is replaced by the administration of things, and by the conduct of processes of
production. The state is not 'abolished'. It withers away’.
•
Lesson from the Paris Commune of March 1871
•
In the ‘last preface’ to the then new German edition of the Communist
Manifesto, dated June 24, 1872. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, stated that
the programme of the Communist Manifesto "has in some details
become out-of-date", and they explained:
•
"... One thing especially was proved by the Commune, viz., that
'the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery and
wield it for its own purposes'...."
•
Lesson from the Paris Commune of March 1871: need to smash capitalist
state
•
On April 12, 1871, i.e., just at the time of the Commune, Marx wrote
to Kugelmann:
•
"If you look up the last chapter of my Eighteenth
Brumaire, you will find that I declare that the next attempt of the French
Revolution will be no longer, as before, to transfer the bureaucratic-military
machine from one hand to another, but to smash it [Marx's italics - the
original is zerbrechen], and this is the precondition for every real
people's revolution on the Continent. And this is what our heroic Party
comrades in Paris are attempting." (Quoted in The State by Lenin
(available at
http://www.marxistsfr.org/archive/lenin/works/1917/staterev/ch01.htm)
•
The Transition from Capitalism to Communism: need for a workers’ State
– Dictatorship of the working class
•
Consistent with the Marxist
theory of the State, Marxists recognize that in the event of successful
revolution by the working class and the poor, the state shall be necessary to
implement the socialist economy, state ownership of the means of production by
expropriating the capitalists through abolition of private ownership of the
means of production:
•
Lenin in ‘The State and Revolution’ quoted Marx:
•
"Between capitalist and communist society lies the period of the
revolutionary transformation of the one into the other. Corresponding to this
is also a political transition period in which the state can be nothing but the
revolutionary dictatorship of the proletariat."
•
Socialist Legalism
•
This section is concerned with an assessment of the attempt to
practically implement the theoretical ideas of Marxism in Soviet Union – Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR).
•
We’ll therefore have to examine the contributions of:
•
Lenin (22 April 1870 - 21 January 1924)
•
Stalin (18 December 1878 – 5 March 1953), and
•
Trotsky (7 November 1879 – 20 August 1940)
•
Lenin (22 April 1870 - 21 January 1924)
•
Under the leadership of Lenin, the Bolshevik party led the workers and
peasants of Russia to seize power in October 1917 – the first successful
political seizure of ordinary people in world history.
•
The Workers state under Lenin
used the dictatorship of the working class to expropriate and suppress the
capitalists in order to transform
private ownership of the commanding heights of the economy into state
ownership.
•
Lenin
•
The new Constitution, the Constitution Sovietique de 10 Juillet 1918
in its Division I, Chapitre II sets out the objectives of the
Constitution to include, to:
•
‘remove any exploitation of man by man, to abolish the division of
society into classes, to crush without mercy all exploiters, to realize the
socialist organization of society and to ensure the triumph of Socialism in all
countries’.
•
Also, Articles 13 – 16 are devoted ‘to assure workers (note the
exclusionary principle) the true freedom of conscience, of expression, of
assembly, of association’
•
Lenin
•
It should be noted however that under Lenin, what operated was called
‘War Communism’.
•
What operated in reality was the rule of force, in order to break the
resistance of capitalists. This should be located within the following context:
•
No class gives up its rights without a fight. Immediately after the
revolution, as should be expected, capitalist forces within Russia waged war
against the revolution. They were supported by 13 imperialist armies, listed
below. This lasted 1917 -1919. However, elements of resistance continued up
until 1923.
•
Numbers of foreign soldiers who occupied various regions of Russia:
Numbers of foreign soldiers who occupied various regions of Russia:
•
50,000 Czechoslovaks (along the Trans-Siberian railway)
•
28,000 Japanese, later increased to 70,000 (in the Vladivostok
region and north)
•
24,000 Greeks (in the Crimea)
•
40,000 British (in the Arkhangelsk and Vladivostok regions)
•
13,000 Americans (in the Arkhangelsk and Vladivostok regions)
•
12,000 French and French colonial (mostly in the Arkhangelsk and Odessa
regions)
•
12,000 Poles (mostly in Crimea and Ukraine)
•
4,000 Canadians (in the Arkhangelsk and Vladivostok regions)
•
4,000 Serbs (in the Arkhangelsk region)
•
4,000 Romanians (in the Arkhangelsk region)
•
2,500 Italians (in the Arkhangelsk region and Siberia)
•
2,000 Chinese (in the Vladivostok region)
•
150 Australians (mostly in the Arkhangelsk regions
•
(Source:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Allied_intervention_in_the_Russian_Civil_War
•
Lenin
•
However, in order to show the commitment to abolish inequality, the
October 1917 Revolution was governed by the following principles:
•
1. All officials, managers,
etc to be regularly elected by the workers, peasants and soldiers, as the case
may be, with the right of immediate recall.
•
2. All officials to
receive the same wages as a skilled worker (Lenin lived by example in this
respect).
•
3. No permanent
bureaucracy. Popular participation in all administrative duties. The direct
control and management of society by workers’ assembles – the Soviets. Indeed,
the word ‘Soviet’ means ‘committee’ system.
•
4. The principle of not having a standing army but an armed
people. Though in the context of capitalist resistance, this could not be
immediately actualised.
•
Stalin
•
Stalin took over the leadership of the Bolshevik party and of
government, after Lenin.
•
In place of the programme of socialism in all countries,
internationally which was given constitutional backing in 1918, Stalin’s era
declared a program of ‘socialism in one country’.
•
This in practice meant conceding to imperialism to control Western
Europe while Soviet Union should control Eastern Europe – a class
collaborationist policy, which influenced Russia’s foreign policy of ‘peaceful
co-existence’ with imperialism and the development of two-stage theory for
developing countries.
•
Stalin
•
Instead of eliminating privileges among government officials, a
bureaucracy developed whose living standards were at a variance with ordinary
workers.
•
By 1936, as noted in an electronic paper titled ‘Socialist Legalism in
the Early USSR: A formal Rule of Law State?’, available at (http://ssrn.com/abstract=1268555),
the Constitution was already ‘more liberal regarding property ownership as part
of the plan to develop the USSR economically’.
•
Ss. 10 and 11 of the Constitution de 1936 accommodated ‘the
rights of citizens to personal property’ and the ‘right to inherit personal
property’, respectively.
•
Stalin
•
Those who cried out that the direction of the economy and society under
Stalin was against the spirit of the October 1917 Revolution were attacked in
various forms – layoffs from work, removal from party positions, imprisonment,
murder, compulsory sending of critics on exile, etc.
•
The crimes committed by Stalin
made many to associate socialism with monstrosity.
•
•
Stalin
•
Though ‘No precise figures exist, official KGB figures for 1937–1938
claim that under 700,000 were executed and that at the beginning of the 1940s
there were about 3.6 million in labour camps and prisons. Stephen Wheatcroft
and R. W. Davies have calculated that the total number of excess deaths from
1927 to 1938 may have amounted to some ten million persons, 8.5 million killed
between 1927 and 1936 and about 1 to 1.5 million between 1937 and 1938’
(Source: http://www.enotes.com/genocide-encyclopedia/stalin-joseph ).
•
Trotsky
•
Leon Trotsky was one of those murdered by a Stalin’s agent(Ramon
Mercader) while in exile in Mexico City on 20th August 1940 - for insisting
that the October 1917 revolution had been betrayed by Stalin’s policies.
•
Being a leading figure in the 1917 Revolution, he had the authority to lead the opposition to Stalin’s
counterrevolutionary policies.
•
In November, 1917, Vladimir Lenin appointed Trotsky as the
people's commissar for foreign affairs
•
In January 1918 , the Soviet government ordered the formation of the Red
Army of Workers and Peasants in place of the old Russian army. Trotsky, as Commissar of War, was appointed
its leader.
•
Trotsky, it was, who successfully led the Russian army to defeat the
imperialists’ invasion of Russia (1917 -1923) in their bid to crush the
revolution.
•
Trotsky’s ‘The Russian Revolution Betrayed’
•
After Lenin, it was Trotsky who personified the defence of genuine
Marxist ideas against distortions in theory and practice by Stalin and
supporters of Stalin’s ideas, called Stalinists.
•
In his numerous publications, e.g. The Russian Revolution
Betrayed (1937), Trotsky characterized Soviet Union as a deformed
workers state, and not a workers or socialist state.
•
In the dialectical Marxist reasoning, other Marxist scholars such as
Tony Cliff had characterized Soviet union under Stalin and post Stalin as ‘state
capitalism’ rather than ‘socialist’ or ‘communist’ state, even
before the eventual practical collapse in 1989/91 under Perestroika - a political movement
within the Communist Party of Soviet Union widely associated with the Soviet
leader Mikhail Gorbachev.
•
The literal meaning of Perestroika is "restructuring",
referring to the restructuring of the Soviet political and economic system.
•
Trotsky: Theory of Permanent Revolution
•
One of the theories for which Trotsky is well known is the theory of permanent
revolution.
•
This theory posits that there is a relationship between the struggle
for socialism and the struggle for
democratic rights under capitalism.
•
That since workers do not fight for abstract ideas in someone else’s
head, the fight for transitional demands (i.e. democratic rights) could
serve as the basis for mobilising the masses on social problems of
every-day-life and in the process leading to mass action strong enough to smash
capitalism.
•
The theory encourages fighting for reforms without necessarily
becoming reformists.
•
Trotsky: The theory of ‘United Fronts’
•
Another theory Trotsky has bequeathed to the world revolutionary
movement is the theory of United Front.
•
This theory is based on the workers feel for unity against the attacks
and brutality of capitalism.
•
The theory thus encourages revolutionary working class individuals and
organisations forming umbrella organisations or Fronts with working class
elements who are not revolutionaries.
•
The United Front theory is in direct opposition to the theory of Popular
Fronts advocated by Stalin, which rationalises that workers and
their organisations should collaborate with ‘progressive’ sections of the
bourgeoisie, in the two-stage theory of revolution – first, struggle to
establish bourgeois democracy before raising the socialist program.
•
The theory of Popular Frontism has been interpreted by
Trotskyites to mean class collaborationism, which tends to produce
counterrevolutionary results.
•
An Assessment of Marxism: Marx’s Own assessment of his contributions
(1)
•
In the midst of deliberate distortion by scholars, cynical opponents
and exaggerations by ardent supporters (who might want to attribute to him more
than his due) Karl Marx had to assess his own intellectual contributions at
different times.
•
In one instance, he posited that all he did was to ‘develop new
principles for the world out of the world’s own principles’ thereby showing the
world what it is really fighting for unconsciously (Marx, Letter from
the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher to Ruge (1843).
•
Marx’s Own assessment of his contributions (2)
•
Marx also offered a less broad assessment of his works. In his words:
•
‘And now as to myself, no credit is due to me for discovering the
existence of classes in modern society or the struggle between them. Long
before me bourgeois historians had described the historical development of this
class struggle and bourgeois economists, the economic anatomy of classes. What
I did that was new was to prove:
(1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with the particular, historical phases in the development of production,
(2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat,
(3) that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society’ (Marx, Letter to Weydemeyer (1852)
(1) that the existence of classes is only bound up with the particular, historical phases in the development of production,
(2) that the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat,
(3) that this dictatorship itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society’ (Marx, Letter to Weydemeyer (1852)
•
(3) An Assessment of Marxism-
Marxism: A Utopia?
•
Some non-Marxist scholars perceive Marxism as a Utopia (Adaramola,
2008:291).
•
While it is undeniably true that up till today, Marx’s prediction “that
the class struggle necessarily leads to the dictatorship of the proletariat” has
really not been sustainably fulfilled,
•
it must be recognized that the world has witnessed the realisation of
the predictions, at least twice:
•
For the first time in the history of humanity, ordinary working class
people seized power in Paris in March 1871 in what was known as the
Paris Commune. It lasted barely two months.
•
The second time was in Russia, in October 1917.
•
(4) An Assessment of Marxism
•
Also, in the course of the 2nd World War, the Russian
revolution led to the transformation and recreation of Eastern Europe in the
image of Stalinist Russia, i.e. along ‘socialist lines’.
•
•
(5) Rapid Advancement
•
In spite of the weaknesses of Stalinist Russia (after Lenin), as noted
by Adaramola (2008: 292), the centrally planned economy ‘succeeded in
revolutionising and accelerating the progress of erstwhile capitalist but
backward societies or countries such as Russia and China, thereby enabling them
to dramatically catch up with the advanced nations of the world in science and
technology’
•
6(i) An Assessment of Marxism: counterrevolutionary reversal of Russia
and other Eastern Europe into capitalism also proves the potency of Marxist
dialectics
•
But the Paris Commune and the Bolshevik-led Revolution in Russia, as
well as the Stalinist ‘socialist’ regimes in Eastern Europe collapsed for
different reasons.
•
However, the counterrevolutionary reversal of Russia and other
Eastern Europe into capitalism also proves the potency of Marxist dialectics
- As Hegel puts it, everything which exists, exists of necessity. But, equally,
everything which exists is doomed to perish, to be transformed into something
else. Thus what is "necessary" in one time and place becomes
"unnecessary" in another. Everything begets its opposite, which is
destined to overcome and negate it. This is true of individual living things as
much as societies and nature generally.
•
•
6(ii) An Assessment of Marxism: Potency of Marxist dialectics
•
Lenin also explains that dialectics is the teaching which shows how
opposites can be identical or become identical or transformed into one another
and that it is necessary for the human mind to grasp opposites not as dead,
rigid, but living, conditional and mobile.
•
Thus it is not only possible for a new system to negate a preceding
one, it is also possible for an old system to negate a new one, i.e.
revolutionary-counterrevolutionary relationships or what Adaramola (2008:
294)rightly calls continuity and discontinuity. This is what explains the
degeneration of Soviet Union and former Eastern Europe into the capitalist
world sphere.
•
6(iii) An Assessment of Marxism: Potency of Marxist dialectics
(Marxism is not deterministic nor fatalistic)
•
The counterrevolutionary development in Russia and Eastern Europe tends
to confirm that there is nothing fatalistic or deterministic about Marxism - a
critical factor determining the direction of social change is the class
struggle, the struggle between social forces, between oppressive forces and the
forces of resistance, between those who
seek to take society forward in the interest of the majority and those who seek
to maintain the status-quo, in the interest of the minority.
•
An Assessment of Marxism:
Relevance of Marxism (7(i)
•
The declaration of Marx as the greatest thinker of the
Millennium by pro-capitalist British Economist appears to be a
confirmation of the relevance of the ideas of Marxism.
•
The ILO has estimated that only 2% of world GDP is sufficient to
abolish poverty in the face of the earth.
•
In the context of the paradox of chronic poverty in the midst of
plenty, as reflected in the current world economic crises, the collapse of the
banks and stock market in Nigeria and elsewhere, perhaps the world working
class needs to respond to the clarion call by Marx and Engels in the Communist
Manifesto.
•
An Assessment of Marxism: Relevance of Marxism - Clarion Call by Marx
and Engels (7(ii)
•
The last words of Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto constitute
a clarion call to world revolution, on the basis that: A new world of
abundance, a world of freedom and justice “can be attained only by the
forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions... The proletarians have
nothing to lose but their chains. They have a world to win. WORKING MEN OF ALL
COUNTRIES, UNITE!”, so declared Marx and Engels.
•
Thanks for your attention!
•
Thank you!!
•
Thank you!!!
•
Thank you!!!!
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